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Should Berkeley voters approve Measure AA? (November 3, 2026 ballot)

Updated 2026-10-27 4 supporting · 4 opposing arguments
Suggested by a community member · researched 2026-10-27
Recent developments
News related to this claim. The analysis itself changes only when the scored evidence does.
Ballot Measures - City of Berkeley — berkeleyca.gov, 2026-10-27
What the evidence says Evidence quality: High
Graded from the quality of the cited sources · Evidence Protocol

What's this about?

People disagree about whether Berkeley voters should approve Measure AA on November 3, 2026.

The measure would double the tax on sugary drinks and change how the city uses the money.

What supporters say

  • Berkeley’s current tax led people to buy fewer sugary drinks.
  • Computer models suggest the tax could prevent some long-term health problems.
  • The money could pay for health, food, clean-water, city, and school programs.
  • People with lower incomes may gain more health help if they drink more sugary drinks now.

What critics say

  • We still have little proof that the tax improves health over many years.
  • Researchers have not tested Measure AA itself.
  • People might switch to other sweet drinks, which could weaken the health effect.
  • People who keep buying these drinks may pay much of the tax.

How to read this

The number of points on each side does not show who is right; strong proof matters more than a long list.

The fuller picture Reading level: Standard

Berkeley voters will decide Nov. 3 whether to replace the city’s existing soda tax with Measure AA. The measure would double the tax on sugary drinks from 1 cent to 2 cents per ounce and change how the money is collected and spent.

The case for

The strongest argument for Measure AA is that raising the price of sugary drinks appears to reduce purchases. A peer-reviewed evaluation of Berkeley’s existing tax found lower sales and consumption of taxed beverages after it took effect, while comparison communities saw increases. One summary reported a 9.6 percent drop in purchases in Berkeley, compared with a 6 percent increase elsewhere (see Figure 1). A national review of similar policies reached much the same conclusion: soda taxes generally raise prices and reduce sales, purchases and consumption, although the policies and communities studied varied 1 (see Figure 2).

Measure AA could also use its revenue to reinforce that price effect. Official ballot materials estimate roughly $2.2 million a year and allow the money to support public-health, nutrition, drinking-water, community, city and school-district programs. Research reviews suggest that such programs could complement a tax, especially because reducing purchases alone may not produce large health improvements.

The measure may bring larger behavioral benefits to lower-income residents, who in some cases consume more taxed beverages and therefore have more opportunity to reduce their purchases when prices rise. Berkeley evidence has reported reduced consumption in lower-income neighborhoods. But this also makes the design of the policy important, since those residents may face greater financial costs if they continue buying the drinks 3.

Health benefits are possible, though they are based mainly on projections rather than direct observation. A California cost-effectiveness model estimated that a 1-cent-per-ounce tax could prevent cases of obesity and diabetes and improve quality of life. That supports the idea that a stronger tax might prevent chronic disease, but it does not show what Measure AA itself would accomplish 4.

The case against

The main objection is that the evidence is much stronger for short-term changes in prices and purchases than for lasting health improvements. Reviews have found less direct evidence that soda taxes reduce body weight, diabetes or other long-term health outcomes. They also point to uncertainty about how long effects last, whether the tax itself caused them, and whether consumers change their overall diets.

Consumers who continue buying taxed drinks would pay more. Berkeley and other studies find that soda taxes are usually passed on to shoppers, sometimes at or above the legal rate. That makes the financial burden real for persistent purchasers, even if average consumption falls 6.

Substitution could further weaken the health effect. People may switch from taxed sodas to untaxed sugary products or other high-calorie drinks. As a result, a decline in purchases of taxed beverages may not equal an equivalent decline in total sugar or calorie intake 7.

Most importantly, no study directly evaluates Measure AA. Existing Berkeley research focuses mainly on the current 1-cent tax. Measure AA would double the rate, impose a different special-tax structure and create a new system for distributing the revenue. Research from other cities and economic models can explain likely mechanisms, but cannot establish the measure’s specific overall effect 8.

The measure would require at least 85 percent of funds to support community or city programs and Berkeley Unified School District grants, while allowing up to 15 percent for administration and implementation. But the ballot materials do not show which programs will receive the money, how effective they will be or how their results will be measured. A higher tax could reduce purchases further without producing proportionately larger health gains 5.

Sources · 12 distinct
Every source the arguments above cite. A source cited by more than one argument is listed under each and counted once.
P2Dedicated revenue could fund complementary health programs
  1. City Attorney’s Impartial Analysis of Measure AA acvote.alamedacountyca.gov
  2. Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxes and Population Health Outcomes pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov

Figures & data

Cited sources by side and evidence strengthEach bar counts DISTINCT sources cited on that side, once per source at its highest evidence strength.Supporting6 strong sources63 moderate sources39Opposing5 strong sources53 moderate sources38strongmoderate
The evidence base behind this ballot question: 12 distinct cited sources
Every source the arguments on this page cite, grouped by the side that cites it and shown at its highest evidence strength. A source cited by both sides appears in both bars and once in the total. Strength labels follow the scoring methodology.
Silver et al. (2017) Berkeley soda-tax evaluation chart comparing changes in taxed-beverage sales in Berkeley with comparison locations before and after the tax
The most directly relevant observed evidence for Berkeley voters: it shows how beverage sales changed locally after the existing tax relative to comparison areas. It helps distinguish measured local outcomes from projections about doubling the tax.
Forest-plot results from a US soda-tax systematic review and meta-analysis, summarizing pooled effects on beverage prices, sales, purchases, and consumption
It puts Berkeley’s experience in context by showing pooled evidence across US natural experiments. The forest plots make clear that evidence is strongest for price increases and reductions in purchases or sales, while longer-term health outcomes are less established.
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